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The Founding Fathers tried to protect us from the threat they knew, the tyranny that overcame ancient democracy. Today, our political order faces new threats, not unlike the totalitarianism of the 20th century. We are no wiser than the Europeans who saw democracy yield to fascism, Nazism, or communism. Our one advantage is that we might learn from their experience.
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Audible Audiobook
Listening Length: 1 hour and 47 minutes
Program Type: Audiobook
Version: Unabridged
Publisher: Random House Audio
Audible.com Release Date: February 28, 2017
Whispersync for Voice: Ready
Language: English, English
ASIN: B06VX82JZH
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This is a short, quick book to read, perhaps 30-45 minutes of your time. And at only $2.99 (on Kindle) you can't afford not to buy it. For those who found his list of 20 points elsewhere on the web for free, don't let that suffice. The book adds commentary to his list, and it's worth the small cost.For those of you not acquainted with Snyder, he's a historian of Eastern Europe and has written extensively on the turmoil--the killing fields--of Eastern Europe in the 20th century. He knows whereof he speaks.I will offer you a couple of his thoughts from his concluding remarks. In addressing what he terms "the politics of inevitability," he notesUntil recently, we Americans had convinced ourselves that there was nothing in the future but more of the same. The seemingly distant traumas of fascism, Nazism, and communism seemed to be receding into irrelevance. We allowed ourselves to accept the politics of inevitability, the sense that history could move in only one direction: toward liberal democracy. After communism in eastern Europe came to an end in 1989–91, we imbibed the myth of an “end of history.†In doing so, we lowered our defenses, constrained our imagination, and opened the way for precisely the kinds of regimes we told ourselves could never return.Snyder, Timothy. On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century (Kindle Locations 765-769). Crown/Archetype. Kindle Edition.But he then addresses the converse attitude, what he calls "the politics of eternity." About this attitude, he statesIn the politics of eternity, the seduction by a mythicized past prevents us from thinking about possible futures. The habit of dwelling on victimhood dulls the impulse of self-correction. Since the nation is defined by its inherent virtue rather than by its future potential, politics becomes a discussion of good and evil rather than a discussion of possible solutions to real problems. Since the crisis is permanent, the sense of emergency is always present; planning for the future seems impossible or even disloyal. How can we even think of reform when the enemy is always at the gate?Id. at 810-815In contrast to both of these attitudes, he places history (an encomium with which I could not agree more):Both of these positions, inevitability and eternity, are antihistorical. The only thing that stands between them is history itself. History allows us to see patterns and make judgments. It sketches for us the structures within which we can seek freedom. It reveals moments, each one of them different, none entirely unique. To understand one moment is to see the possibility of being the cocreator of another. History permits us to be responsible: not for everything, but for something. The Polish poet CzesÅ‚aw MiÅ‚osz thought that such a notion of responsibility worked against loneliness and indifference. History gives us the company of those who have done and suffered more than we have.Id. at 822-827In his peroration, he exhorts young people especially (although it applies to all of us)One thing is certain: If young people do not begin to make history, politicians of eternity and inevitability will destroy it. And to make history, young Americans will have to know some.This is not the end, but a beginning. “The time is out of joint. O cursed spite,/That ever I was born to set it right!†Thus Hamlet. Yet he concludes: “Nay, come, let’s go together.â€Id. at 830-834Buy this book and read it!
This book is a must read for anyone that has any interest in learning from the mistakes that horrible tyrants made in the past and demanding of our representatives that the same mistakes don't repeat the politics of past times laid out in this book. I had reservations when I first started reading it. I was afraid the author had an agenda and was trying to get me, the reader, to see things through his lens. By five pages in I realized this was not the case. The mark of a truly non partisan history book is to finish the book and have no clue what political party the author identifies with. That was the case when I finished this. And that is as it should be. The book is expertly written by an author with an obvious extensive knowledge on the subject matter and I had it read in one night. It was such a page turner that I couldn't put it down. I had 2 different judges (a family law and a criminal judge) recommend it to me and now my whole office has read it. I hope everyone that cares about learning about and not repeating history's mistakes will read this book.
Shatters any illusion that democracy is a given in the US or in any country. One detail I keep thinking about: Snyder's argument that the evisceration of privacy and the humiliation of the individual is a very old fascist technique. Consider that when you think about the email breaches of the last election, or why doxing is a weapon of choice among the cyber brown shirts. Another: the long and terrible legacy of dismantling the rule and protections of law as "exceptions" -- which quickly become permanent -- due to safety "emergencies." Americans may be tested on that sooner than later. Democracy has and can become totalitarianism in but a few months. The time to stand up for institutions, fair voting, and (this is surprisingly crucial) the ethics of your profession is NOW -- not after it's too late.
If I compare this 'booket' to Petersen's work, it pales in insignificance and poor judgement. It is clearly written with a bias against President Trump, but more importantly uses the briefest of snippets in history to poorly justify his claims. He ignores the current 'Ministry of Truth' deployed by our media (a clearly socialist groupthink), in which "nothing exists except an endless present in which the Party is always right." (1984) History has shown that it is the socialists and communists that devolve to mob rule and totalitarianism. This is the nationalism that "imposes itself on people incapable of understanding it", not the Trump form of nationalism which is essentially an enforcement of truth and justice, adhering to the will of the people and the Constitution that has served this country so well. For a History Lecturer, this effort gets a minimum grade! (and is a poor reflection on his university). He has NO idea of tyranny.If he were to draw conclusions on tyranny from the 20th Century he would look at North Korea, China, Russia, Germany, Italy, Venezuela, Zimbabwe, South Africa and the many other countries that have failed under the guise of socialism which devolves to autocracy and totalitarianism, not to mention economic failure.Don't waste your time or your money on this one. Yale? Really?
It's far from an academic paper in that the author is clearly biased and offers little in the way of contrary opinion, but it never claimed to be anything else.For those who have not studied history extensively this book is likely informative. For those who haven't studied history lately, this book likely contains some reminders. For those well versed and practiced in the study of history and geopolitics, this book offers nothing new, rather it places current geopolitical phenomena in historical context.
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